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世界人权日演讲稿范文

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  世界人权日演讲稿范文【一】

  晚上好,我在这里表达我的荣誉和快乐。我要感谢总经理温迪托卡耶夫和女士以及其他部长、大使、各位阁下,和联合国合作伙伴。这个周末,我们将庆祝人权日,周年纪念日上世纪最伟大的成就之一。

  从1947年开始,来自六大洲的代表奉献自己起草一份声明,将人的基本权利和自由无处不在。二战后,许多国家要求声明这种帮助确保我们将防止未来的暴行和保护所有人的固有的人性和尊严。所以代表去上班。他们讨论,他们写道,重新审视、修改,重写,因为数千小时。他们注册的建议和修订从政府、组织和个人在世界各地。

  凌晨三点在12月10日,1948年,经过近两年的起草和最后一个漫长的夜晚的辩论中,奥巴马总统呼吁联合国大会投票决定最终的文本。48个国家投票赞成,8个国家投了弃权票,没有异议。和《世界人权宣言》。它宣告一个简单的、强大的想法:所有人类生而拥有尊严及权利的平等和自由。和声明,明确表示,权利不是政府赋予;它们是所有人与生俱来的权利。我们生活在哪个国家并不重要,我们的领导人是谁,甚至我们是谁。因为我们是人类,我们因此有权利。因为我们有权利,政府一定会保护他们。

  宣言在63年被采用,许多国家已经取得了很大的进步在人权人类现实。一步一步,障碍,一旦阻止人们享受的全部测量自由,尊严的全部经验,和人类的全部好处已经走了。在许多地方,种族主义法律已经被废除,法律和社会实践,把女性二等地位已经被废除,宗教少数派的能力已经获得自由实践他们的信仰。

  在大多数情况下,这种进步是不容易获得。人与组织和公共活动广场和私人空间不仅改变法律,但人心。多亏了这代,成百上千万人的生命曾经缩小的不公,他们现在能够生活得更自由,更充分地参与到政治、经济和社会生活的社区。

  现在仍然存在,大家都知道,更要做安全的承诺,所有人这一现实,和进步。今天,我想谈谈我们的工作有剩下要做来保护人权的一群人仍然否认在当今世界太多的地方。在许多方面,他们是一个看不见的少数民族。他们被逮捕,殴打、恐吓甚至处死。许多人蔑视和暴力对待同胞而当局授权保护他们寻找其他途径,或过于频繁,甚至加入滥用。他们否认了工作和学习的机会,从他们的家园和国家,被迫抑制或否认他们是谁来保护自己免受伤害。

  我说的是男同性恋,女同性恋,双性恋,变性人,人类生而自由,赋予平等和尊严,谁有权宣称,现在剩下的人权挑战之一。我谈论这个问题时知道自己的国家对同性恋者的人权纪录远非完美。直到2003年,它仍然是一个犯罪在我国部分地区。许多同性恋美国人经历了暴力和骚扰自己的生活,和对一些人来说,包括许多年轻人,欺凌和排斥是日常经验。所有国家一样,所以我们有更多的工作要做在家里保护人权。liuxue86.com

  提高这个问题,现在我知道,是敏感的对许多人来说,障碍的障碍保护同性恋的人权在根深蒂固的个人,政治、文化和宗教信仰。所以我来这里之前你尊重,理解,和谦卑。尽管在这方面进展并不容易,我们不能推迟行动。所以本着这一精神,我想谈谈我们一起必须解决的困难和重要的问题达成全球共识,承认同性恋公民的人权。

  第一个问题是问题的核心。一些人认为同性恋权利和人权是分开的,独特的;但是,实际上,他们是同一个。当然,60年前,政府起草和通过了《世界人权宣言》没有思考如何应用于LGBT群体。他们还没有考虑它如何应用于原住民或孩子或残疾人或其他边缘化群体。然而,在过去60年里,我们已经认识到,这些团体的成员有权完整的尊严和权利,因为,像所有人一样,他们共享一个共同的人性。

  这种识别并没有发生。随着时间的推移它发展。那样,我们明白我们是人们总是尊重权利,而不是创建新的或特殊权利。作为一个女人,作为一个种族,宗教、部落或民族,被同性恋不会使你更少的人。这就是为什么同性恋者的权利是人权和人权是同性恋权利。

  这是一个违反人权当人们击败或杀死,因为他们的性取向,或因为他们不符合文化规范关于男性和女性应该或行为。这是一个违反人权当政府宣布同性恋是违法,或允许同性恋者去惩罚那些伤害。这是一个违反人权当女同性恋或变性妇女遭受所谓纠正强奸,或者强行接受激素治疗,或当人们对待同性恋者公开呼吁暴力谋杀后,或者当他们被迫逃离他们在其他国家寻求庇护的土地来挽救他们的生命。并拒绝拯救生命的治疗,违反人权的人,因为他们是同性恋,或者拒绝平等正义的人,因为他们是同性恋或公共场所是禁止入内的人,因为他们是同性恋。不管我们是什么样子,我们是从哪里来的,或者我们是谁,我们都是平等的权利,我们的人权和尊严。

  第二个问题是一个问题是否同性恋起因于一个特定的世界的一部分。一些似乎认为这是一个西方的现象,因此西方以外的人有理由拒绝它。在现实中,同性恋是天生的,属于世界上每一个社会。所有年龄、所有种族,信仰,他们是医生和老师,农民和银行家,士兵和运动员;我们是否知道,或者我们是否承认它的存在,他们是我们的家人,我们的朋友和邻居。

  同性恋不是西方的发明,它是一种人类的现实。和保护所有人的人权,同性恋还是异性恋,不是只有西方政府做的。南非宪法,写在种族隔离之后,保护所有公民的平等,包括同性恋者。在哥伦比亚和阿根廷,同性恋也是受法律保护的权利。在尼泊尔,最高法院裁定,平等权利适用于同性恋公民。蒙古政府致力于追求新的立法,将解决反同性恋的歧视。

  现在,一些人担心LGBT群体的人权保护是一种奢侈品,只有富裕国家能负担得起。但事实上,在所有国家,成本不保护这些权利,同性恋和异性恋的生活失去了疾病和暴力,和沉默的声音和观点,将加强社区,思想永远追求的企业家是同性恋。成本的产生是任何团体被视为较小,是否女性,种族,宗教少数派或同性恋。博茨瓦纳前总统莫哈埃最近指出,只要LGBT群体保持在阴影里,不可能有一个有效的公共卫生计划应对艾滋病毒和艾滋病。这也适用于其他挑战。

  第三,也许最具挑战性的问题,当人们把宗教或文化价值观作为理由违反或不保护同性恋公民的人权。这不是与暴力行为的理由提出对女性喜欢荣誉谋杀,寡妇燃烧,或女性生殖器切割。有些人仍然捍卫这些实践作为文化传统的一部分。但对妇女的暴力行为并不是文化,而是犯罪。同样与奴隶制,曾经受上帝现在正确地斥责为不合理的违反人权。

  在这些情况下,我们来学习,没有实践或传统胜过属于我们所有人的人权。这适用于LGBT群体造成暴力,认定他们的状态或行为,驱逐他们从他们的家庭和社区,或者默许或显式地接受他们的杀戮。

  当然,但是要注意的是很少有文化和宗教传统和学说实际上与人权保护的冲突。事实上,我们的宗教和文化是灵感来源的同情和对我们的人类同胞。这不仅是那些已经证明奴隶制靠宗教,这也是那些试图废除它。让我们记住我们的承诺,保护宗教自由,捍卫LGBT群体的尊严来自一个共同的来源。对我们许多人来说,宗教信仰和实践意义和身份的重要来源,和我们人的基础。同样地,对大多数人来说,爱情和家庭,我们建立的债券也意义和身份的重要来源。和照顾他人的表达什么是完整的人。这是因为人类的经验是普遍的,人权是普遍和跨越所有的宗教和文化。

  第四个问题是历史教训我们如何让所有进程的权利。进步从诚实开始讨论。现在,有些人说,相信所有的同性恋者都是恋童癖,同性恋是一种疾病,可以捕获或治愈,或者同性恋招募其他人成为同性恋。这些观念是不正确的。他们也不可能消失,如果那些促进或接受他们置若罔闻,而不是被邀请分享他们的恐惧和担忧。从来没有人放弃了信仰,因为他被迫这样做。

  世界人权日演讲稿范文【二】

  Good evening, and let me express my deep honor and pleasure at being here. I want to thank Director General Tokayev and Ms. Wyden along with other ministers, ambassadors, excellencies, and UN partners. This weekend, we will celebrate Human Rights Day, the anniversary of one of the great accomplishments of the last century.

  Beginning in 1947, delegates from six continents devoted themselves to drafting a declaration that would enshrine the fundamental rights and freedoms of people everywhere. In the aftermath of World War II, many nations pressed for a statement of this kind to help ensure that we would prevent future atrocities and protect the inherent humanity and dignity of all people. And so the delegates went to work. They discussed, they wrote, they revisited, revised, rewrote, for thousands of hours. And they incorporated suggestions and revisions from governments, organizations, and individuals around the world.

  At three o’clock in the morning on December 10th, 1948, after nearly two years of drafting and one last long night of debate, the president of the UN General Assembly called for a vote on the final text. Forty-eight nations voted in favor; eight abstained; none dissented. And the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted. It proclaims a simple, powerful idea: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. And with the declaration, it was made clear that rights are not conferred by government; they are the birthright of all people. It does not matter what country we live in, who our leaders are, or even who we are. Because we are human, we therefore have rights. And because we have rights, governments are bound to protect them.

  In the 63 years since the declaration was adopted, many nations have made great progress in making human rights a human reality. Step by step, barriers that once prevented people from enjoying the full measure of liberty, the full experience of dignity, and the full benefits of humanity have fallen away. In many places, racist laws have been repealed, legal and social practices that relegated women to second-class status have been abolished, the ability of religious minorities to practice their faith freely has been secured.

  In most cases, this progress was not easily won. People fought and organized and campaigned in public squares and private spaces to change not only laws, but hearts and minds. And thanks to that work of generations, for millions of individuals whose lives were once narrowed by injustice, they are now able to live more freely and to participate more fully in the political, economic, and social lives of their communities.

  Now, there is still, as you all know, much more to be done to secure that commitment, that reality, and progress for all people. Today, I want to talk about the work we have left to do to protect one group of people whose human rights are still denied in too many parts of the world today. In many ways, they are an invisible minority. They are arrested, beaten, terrorized, even executed. Many are treated with contempt and violence by their fellow citizens while authorities empowered to protect them look the other way or, too often, even join in the abuse. They are denied opportunities to work and learn, driven from their homes and countries, and forced to suppress or deny who they are to protect themselves from harm.

  I am talking about gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people, human beings born free and given bestowed equality and dignity, who have a right to claim that, which is now one of the remaining human rights challenges of our time. I speak about this subject knowing that my own country’s record on human rights for gay people is far from perfect. Until 2003, it was still a crime in parts of our country. Many LGBT Americans have endured violence and harassment in their own lives, and for some, including many young people, bullying and exclusion are daily experiences. So we, like all nations, have more work to do to protect human rights at home.

  Now, raising this issue, I know, is sensitive for many people and that the obstacles standing in the way of protecting the human rights of LGBT people rest on deeply held personal, political, cultural, and religious beliefs. So I come here before you with respect, understanding, and humility. Even though progress on this front is not easy, we cannot delay acting. So in that spirit, I want to talk about the difficult and important issues we must address together to reach a global consensus that recognizes the human rights of LGBT citizens everywhere.

  The first issue goes to the heart of the matter. Some have suggested that gay rights and human rights are separate and distinct; but, in fact, they are one and the same. Now, of course, 60 years ago, the governments that drafted and passed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were not thinking about how it applied to the LGBT community. They also weren’t thinking about how it applied to indigenous people or children or people with disabilities or other marginalized groups. Yet in the past 60 years, we have come to recognize that members of these groups are entitled to the full measure of dignity and rights, because, like all people, they share a common humanity.

  This recognition did not occur all at once. It evolved over time. And as it did, we understood that we were honoring rights that people always had, rather than creating new or special rights for them. Like being a woman, like being a racial, religious, tribal, or ethnic minority, being LGBT does not make you less human. And that is why gay rights are human rights, and human rights are gay rights.

  It is a violation of human rights when people are beaten or killed because of their sexual orientation, or because they do not conform to cultural norms about how men and women should look or behave. It is a violation of human rights when governments declare it illegal to be gay, or allow those who harm gay people to go unpunished. It is a violation of human rights when lesbian or transgendered women are subjected to so-called corrective rape, or forcibly subjected to hormone treatments, or when people are murdered after public calls for violence toward gays, or when they are forced to flee their nations and seek asylum in other lands to save their lives. And it is a violation of human rights when life-saving care is withheld from people because they are gay, or equal access to justice is denied to people because they are gay, or public spaces are out of bounds to people because they are gay. No matter what we look like, where we come from, or who we are, we are all equally entitled to our human rights and dignity.

  The second issue is a question of whether homosexuality arises from a particular part of the world. Some seem to believe it is a Western phenomenon, and therefore people outside the West have grounds to reject it. Well, in reality, gay people are born into and belong to every society in the world. They are all ages, all races, all faiths; they are doctors and teachers, farmers and bankers, soldiers and athletes; and whether we know it, or whether we acknowledge it, they are our family, our friends, and our neighbors.

  Being gay is not a Western invention; it is a human reality. And protecting the human rights of all people, gay or straight, is not something that only Western governments do. South Africa’s constitution, written in the aftermath of Apartheid, protects the equality of all citizens, including gay people. In Colombia and Argentina, the rights of gays are also legally protected. In Nepal, the Supreme Court has ruled that equal rights apply to LGBT citizens. The Government of Mongolia has committed to pursue new legislation that will tackle anti-gay discrimination.

  Now, some worry that protecting the human rights of the LGBT community is a luxury that only wealthy nations can afford. But in fact, in all countries, there are costs to not protecting these rights, in both gay and straight lives lost to disease and violence, and the silencing of voices and views that would strengthen communities, in ideas never pursued by entrepreneurs who happen to be gay. Costs are incurred whenever any group is treated as lesser or the other, whether they are women, racial, or religious minorities, or the LGBT. Former President Mogae of Botswana pointed out recently that for as long as LGBT people are kept in the shadows, there cannot be an effective public health program to tackle HIV and AIDS. Well, that holds true for other challenges as well.

  The third, and perhaps most challenging, issue arises when people cite religious or cultural values as a reason to violate or not to protect the human rights of LGBT citizens. This is not unlike the justification offered for violent practices towards women like honor killings, widow burning, or female genital mutilation. Some people still defend those practices as part of a cultural tradition. But violence toward women isn’t cultural; it’s criminal. Likewise with slavery, what was once justified as sanctioned by God is now properly reviled as an unconscionable violation of human rights.

  In each of these cases, we came to learn that no practice or tradition trumps the human rights that belong to all of us. And this holds true for inflicting violence on LGBT people, criminalizing their status or behavior, expelling them from their families and communities, or tacitly or explicitly accepting their killing.

  Of course, it bears noting that rarely are cultural and religious traditions and teachings actually in conflict with the protection of human rights. Indeed, our religion and our culture are sources of compassion and inspiration toward our fellow human beings. It was not only those who’ve justified slavery who leaned on religion, it was also those who sought to abolish it. And let us keep in mind that our commitments to protect the freedom of religion and to defend the dignity of LGBT people emanate from a common source. For many of us, religious belief and practice is a vital source of meaning and identity, and fundamental to who we are as people. And likewise, for most of us, the bonds of love and family that we forge are also vital sources of meaning and identity. And caring for others is an expression of what it means to be fully human. It is because the human experience is universal that human rights are universal and cut across all religions and cultures.

  The fourth issue is what history teaches us about how we make progress towards rights for all. Progress starts with honest discussion. Now, there are some who say and believe that all gay people are pedophiles, that homosexuality is a disease that can be caught or cured, or that gays recruit others to become gay. Well, these notions are simply not true. They are also unlikely to disappear if those who promote or accept them are dismissed out of hand rather than invited to share their fears and concerns. No one has ever abandoned a belief because he was forced to do so.

  Universal human rights include freedom of expression and freedom of belief, even if our words or beliefs denigrate the humanity of others. Yet, while we are each free to believe whatever we choose, we cannot do whatever we choose, not in a world where we protect the human rights of all.

  Reaching understanding of these issues takes more than speech. It does take a conversation. In fact, it takes a constellation of conversations in places big and small. And it takes a willingness to see stark differences in belief as a reason to begin the conversation, not to avoid it.

  But progress comes from changes in laws. In many places, including my own country, legal protections have preceded, not followed, broader recognition of rights. Laws have a teaching effect. Laws that discriminate validate other kinds of discrimination. Laws that require equal protections reinforce the moral imperative of equality. And practically speaking, it is often the case that laws must change before fears about change dissipate.

  Many in my country thought that President Truman was making a grave error when he ordered the racial desegregation of our military. They argued that it would undermine unit cohesion. And it wasn’t until he went ahead and did it that we saw how it strengthened our social fabric in ways even the supporters of the policy could not foresee. Likewise, some worried in my country that the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” would have a negative effect on our armed forces. Now, the Marine Corps Commandant, who was one of the strongest voices against the repeal, says that his concerns were unfounded and that the Marines have embraced the change.

  Finally, progress comes from being willing to walk a mile in someone else’s shoes. We need to ask ourselves, “How would it feel if it were a crime to love the person I love? How would it feel to be discriminated against for something about myself that I cannot change?” This challenge applies to all of us as we reflect upon deeply held beliefs, as we work to embrace tolerance and respect for the dignity of all persons, and as we engage humbly with those with whom we disagree in the hope of creating greater understanding.

  A fifth and final question is how we do our part to bring the world to embrace human rights for all people including LGBT people. Yes, LGBT people must help lead this effort, as so many of you are. Their knowledge and experiences are invaluable and their courage inspirational. We know the names of brave LGBT activists who have literally given their lives for this cause, and there are many more whose names we will never know. But often those who are denied rights are least empowered to bring about the changes they seek. Acting alone, minorities can never achieve the majorities necessary for political change.

  So when any part of humanity is sidelined, the rest of us cannot sit on the sidelines. Every time a barrier to progress has fallen, it has taken a cooperative effort from those on both sides of the barrier. In the fight for women’s rights, the support of men remains crucial. The fight for racial equality has relied on contributions from people of all races. Combating Islam phobia or anti-Semitism is a task for people of all faiths. And the same is true with this struggle for equality.

  Conversely, when we see denials and abuses of human rights and fail to act, that sends the message to those deniers and abusers that they won’t suffer any consequences for their actions, and so they carry on. But when we do act, we send a powerful moral message. Right here in Geneva, the international community acted this year to strengthen a global consensus around the human rights of LGBT people. At the Human Rights Council in March, 85 countries from all regions supported a statement calling for an end to criminalization and violence against people because of their sexual orientation and gender identity.

  At the following session of the Council in June, South Africa took the lead on a resolution about violence against LGBT people. The delegation from South Africa spoke eloquently about their own experience and struggle for human equality and its indivisibility. When the measure passed, it became the first-ever UN resolution recognizing the human rights of gay people worldwide. In the Organization of American States this year, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights created a unit on the rights of LGBT people, a step toward what we hope will be the creation of a special rapporteur.

  Now, we must go further and work here and in every region of the world to galvanize more support for the human rights of the LGBT community. To the leaders of those countries where people are jailed, beaten, or executed for being gay, I ask you to consider this: Leadership, by definition, means being out in front of your people when it is called for. It means standing up for the dignity of all your citizens and persuading your people to do the same. It also means ensuring that all citizens are treated as equals under your laws, because let me be clear – I am not saying that gay people can’t or don’t commit crimes. They can and they do, just like straight people. And when they do, they should be held accountable, but it should never be a crime to be gay.

  And to people of all nations, I say supporting human rights is your responsibility too. The lives of gay people are shaped not only by laws, but by the treatment they receive every day from their families, from their neighbors. Eleanor Roosevelt, who did so much to advance human rights worldwide, said that these rights begin in the small places close to home – the streets where people live, the schools they attend, the factories, farms, and offices where they work. These places are your domain. The actions you take, the ideals that you advocate, can determine whether human rights flourish where you are.

  And finally, to LGBT men and women worldwide, let me say this: Wherever you live and whatever the circumstances of your life, whether you are connected to a network of support or feel isolated and vulnerable, please know that you are not alone. People around the globe are working hard to support you and to bring an end to the injustices and dangers you face. That is certainly true for my country. And you have an ally in the United States of America and you have millions of friends among the American people.

  The Obama Administration defends the human rights of LGBT people as part of our comprehensive human rights policy and as a priority of our foreign policy. In our embassies, our diplomats are raising concerns about specific cases and laws, and working with a range of partners to strengthen human rights protections for all. In Washington, we have created a task force at the State Department to support and coordinate this work. And in the coming months, we will provide every embassy with a toolkit to help improve their efforts. And we have created a program that offers emergency support to defenders of human rights for LGBT people.

  This morning, back in Washington, President Obama put into place the first U.S. Government strategy dedicated to combating human rights abuses against LGBT persons abroad. Building on efforts already underway at the State Department and across the government, the President has directed all U.S. Government agencies engaged overseas to combat the criminalization of LGBT status and conduct, to enhance efforts to protect vulnerable LGBT refugees and asylum seekers, to ensure that our foreign assistance promotes the protection of LGBT rights, to enlist international organizations in the fight against discrimination, and to respond swiftly to abuses against LGBT persons.

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